The final decades of the 1851th century witnessed a constant flow of migration from the Canary Islands to the American continent, a vital exodus documented through the so-called Consents and Safe-conducts. These documents, actually known as Comendaticias, were boarding licenses essential for legal emigration. A detailed study of the municipal archives of Mogán, Gran Canaria, between 1894 and 1840, offers us a unique window into the personal stories behind this great transoceanic voyage. Comendaticias, which began to appear in the late XNUMXs, required the knowledge and favorable report of the governing authorities. They were requested by the interested parties themselves, by immediate family members (fathers, mothers), or even by neighbors who took responsibility. The requests were addressed to the mayors of the municipalities, including personal data and the identity of the applicants and beneficiaries, indicating their identity card, marital status, age, profession, occupation, and address.
Havana was a popular destination for single day laborers seeking their fortune. In 1859, figures such as Wenceslao Ponce (18 years old), Nicolás López (25 years old), and Silvestre González Suárez (29 years old, married but emigrating only with his wife's permission) requested licenses to this Cuban city. That same year, Ramón Hernández, 19 years old and a day laborer, emigrated at the request of his father, Antonio Hernández Carvajal, also bound for Havana. Surprisingly, Francisco José Suárez Dumpiérrez, a 16-year-old youth, is listed as the owner in his August 1859 application to Havana, indicating socioeconomic diversity among the emigrants. Years later, in August 1866, Juan José Ponce Hernández, a 27-year-old married man, requested his own license to Cuba, a case that hints at a possible round-trip journey, highlighting the persistence of some individuals in their search for stability.
The Mogán registry also sheds light on complex family situations. In June 1873, María de León, a single mother, requested safe conduct for her daughter, Josefa Antonia de León, to Cuba, a testament to female emigration and the search for opportunities for their children. In September 1885, Manuel Hernández Sosa processed the departure of his son, Francisco Hernández Betancor, a 15-year-old landowner, to Cuba. The following year, in October 1886, Antonio Quesada Quintana did the same for his son, Daniel de los Reyes Quesada Falcón, an 18-year-old farmer.
Neighborhood interconnectedness is also reflected: José Moreno Lorenzo (a shepherd) obtained his license to travel to Cuba in September 1886 thanks to the request of his neighbor and "curator," Pedro Quintana Suárez. Extended families also moved. María del Pino Navarro requested in August 1888 that her five grandchildren—María del Pino, María Dolores, Manuel Ciriaco, Francisco María, and María del Pilar Cabrera Vargas, aged between 21 and 9—all be sent to Cienfuegos, Cuba, reflecting the exodus of entire family units in search of new opportunities.
The 1880s and early 1890s continued to show a pattern of family emigration. In September 1889, María Dolores Ramírez Montesdeoca requested the release of her son, Mariano Ramírez, to Cuba. That same month, Gregoria Ramírez Montesdeoca arranged for safe passage for her sons, Manuel Matías and Juan Matías Ramírez, farmers aged 17 and 11, to Cienfuegos. The widow, María Suárez Cubas, sent her son, Francisco Suárez Travieso (a day laborer, 18 years old) to Cuba, and José González Sarmiento did the same with his son, Lisandro González Betancor (a farmer, 18 years old).
In the final years of the period studied, the same trends continued: in October 1889, María Concepción Vargas Ortiz requested passage for her son Pedro Navarro Vargas (a 15-year-old farmer) to Cuba. In 1890, María Dolores Sánchez Valerón and José Sánchez Valerón did the same for their sons José María Armas Sánchez (a 17-year-old day laborer) and José Sánchez Segura (a 17-year-old shepherd), respectively, to Cienfuegos and Cuba. Cases such as that of Ramona Suárez Castellano in September 1892 and October 1894, who first sent her son Francisco Sosa Suárez and then arranged for her own trip and that of her other children, Silverio and Constancia Sosa Castellano, to Cienfuegos, illustrate the persistence and reunion of families over time.
The embarkation permits, studied by Jesús Emiliano Rodríguez Calleja, PhD in Modern History from the University of Las Palmas (ULPGC), known as "Comendaticias," issued in Mogán between 1851 and 1894, paint a vivid picture of Gran Canarian emigration to the American continent. These documents, which permitted legal departure from the island, not only record names and dates but also reveal a mosaic of families, professions, and destinies, tracing the aspirations and sacrifices of those who sought a better future on the other side of the Atlantic. The earliest record, dated March 10, 1851, introduces us to Juan José Morales, who requested the permit for himself, his wife (whose name is unknown in this extract), and a son and daughter, heading for "La América." Years later, in August 1859, a notable concentration of eight safe-conducts reveals a pattern of family and possibly coordinated departures to Havana. Among them were Francisco Ponce, who emigrated with his wife and son; José Castellano Vega, who left with his son; and José Matías Ponce, who also left with his wife and daughter. These initial cases suggest an organized or group emigration, where family unity was a priority.
The analysis of these names and surnames, their ages, professions, and family relationships paints an intimate portrait of the Mogán community and its deep connection to the great wave of migration that transformed the Canary Islands and the Caribbean in the 19th century. The Safe-conducts from this period are the oldest and most formal documents found in Mogán. They were extensive, including oaths and information from witnesses who were supposed to certify the applicants' good behavior, absence of public debts, freedom from military service, and no commitments that would harm third parties, all with the stated purpose of "improving their fortune." The Safe-conducts from this period are the oldest and most formal documents found in Mogán. They were extensive, including oaths and information from witnesses who were supposed to certify the applicants' good behavior, absence of public debts, freedom from military service, and no commitments that would harm third parties, all with the stated purpose of "improving their fortune."
