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The ventorrillo travels to Agadir and ignores the south of Gran Canaria in the middle of the Moroccan assault on the British market

The ventorrillo travels to Agadir and ignores the south of Gran Canaria in the middle of the Moroccan assault on the British market

Gara Hernández - M24h Monday, January 26, 2026

The official expedition led by regional president Fernando Clavijo, which departed this Monday for Agadir, has been born with an internal rift that is reverberating in the offices of San Bartolomé de Tirajana and Mogán. Although silence prevails due to party discipline—the nationalists govern in both municipalities—the discontent is widespread: while the regional government seeks to strengthen ties with a competitor that threatens to "destroy" the south of the island, the hotel owners and managers of the island's economic engine have been left behind. 

 

Negotiations have fallen into the hands of representatives from Las Palmas, whose membership fees, as industry insiders ironically point out, aren't even enough to cover roaming charges. Currently, TUI Hotels & Resorts operates eleven properties in Morocco under different brands—Riu, TUI Blue, Robinson, AQI, and TUI Suneo—with more than 3.700 rooms. A new five-star hotel is scheduled to open in 2027, while in Gran Canaria, no new hotel has opened for at least two decades. German state aid is funding the infrastructure to enable the Canary Islands to gradually approach the Acapulco-like status.

The concern isn't simply territorial jealousy, but a matter of pure survival in the face of an "economic paradise" that has already overtaken us. While travel expert robonthebeach ranks Agadir among the top three destinations for 2026, the figures are staggering: a week in Morocco with flights included from the UK costs a mere €438 (£370). Against this unbeatable "all-inclusive" deal, other competitors like Bulgaria (€253) and Egypt (€488) are also putting pressure on, but it's Agadir, just four hours from London and with a constant 25 degrees Celsius, that's taking a direct shot at the heart of Maspalomas.

Morocco competes not only on price, but also through strategic diversification, highlighting the lack of "generals" from the south in Clavijo's expedition: They have secured 6,4 million airline seats annually connecting France, Spain, and the United Kingdom; foreign visitors already represent 58,55% of their market, with a projected annual growth of 8,19%. And while the model is being debated here, in Taghazout, surf tourism is driving up daily spending, and luxury desert camps are achieving average daily rates (ADRs) that exceed national averages.

The risk of the Canary Islands' strategy being designed by individuals unfamiliar with the operational realities of the tourist "golden mile" is extremely high. Morocco is implementing biometric electronic gates and streamlining visa processes to ensure a "smooth" experience, unlike at Gran Canaria Airport, where the new taxes on transport companies make such logistical capacity for entry and exit impossible. Not to mention that Morocco is replicating island sporting events, MICE events, and festivals.

For business owners in the south, having executives from Las Palmas with ties to the administration take the lead is a dangerous disconnect. The future of southern Gran Canaria hangs in the balance against a central government that offers seven-day stays at prices that barely cover the cost of accommodation on the islands. For many, the president's arrival in Agadir without the business owners who risk their capital on the dunes and cliffs is tantamount to surrendering to a market that has practically overtaken the island destination with its 17 million visitors.

 

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